ECOWAS COURT | Center for Community Law https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/category/education/law/ecowas-court/ Center For Community Law Sun, 02 Feb 2025 10:24:06 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/COMMUNITY-LAW_free-file4-150x113.png ECOWAS COURT | Center for Community Law https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/category/education/law/ecowas-court/ 32 32 The Human and Economic Costs of Awaiting Trial https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-human-and-economic-costs-of-awaiting-trial/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-human-and-economic-costs-of-awaiting-trial/#respond Thu, 23 Jan 2025 19:54:29 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=733 The Human and Economic Costs of Awaiting Trial
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The Human and Economic Costs of Awaiting Trial
Center for Community Law

The Centre for community law has instituted an action at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice seeking several declarations from the court regarding the seeming indiscriminate and unreasonable use of awaiting trial to remand accused persons in custody in Nigeria.
Relying on several international instruments, the Centre’s main arguments are that awaiting trial breaches the several fundamental rights of the detainees, principally the right to presumption of innocence, which it grossly breaches in respect of those detainees who spend longer time in custody than they would have spent had they been tried and convicted for the offence for which they were charged.
Highlighting the report recently released by Nigerian Correctional Service, termed “the Summary of Inmate Population by Convict and Awaiting Trial Persons as at 23rd December 2024 Total Inmate Population”,  the Centre argues that the use of awaiting trial to detain accused persons who are entitled to bail is a drain on the resources of the Nation in two ways. The first is that the budgetary allocation, which is grossly inadequate in the first place, for the welfare of the inmate is a clear misappropriation of resources that should have been used for developmental purposes. The second is that the economy, and indeed the rest of the population, would be denied the contributions of the detainees to the economy during the period of incarceration and even when they are eventually released, as they may not ever recover from the trauma of incarceration for the rest of their live, especially where they were wrongly accused.
For context, Nigerian Correctional Service “Summary of Inmate Population by Convict and Awaiting Trial Persons as at 23rd December 2024 Total Inmate Population” was revealed that:
The total prison population is (Seventy        Nine Thousand, Two Hundred and Thirty Seven (79,237) inmates;
  Out of (a) above, convicted inmates are only twenty six thousand, seven hundred and eighteen (26,718) inmates;
Out of (a) above,  awaiting trial inmates are  a whopping  Fifty Two Thousand, Five Hundred and Nineteen (52,519)  inmates.
Going by (a) to (c) above, the percentage of convicted inmates is 34% while that of are awaiting trial is 66%.
In the court processes signed by Benjamin O Ojumah, Esq of Pristinus Solicitors, Benin City, the Centre seeks, among others, a  declaration that the actions of the Defendant and its agents in incarcerating accused persons without trying them within a reasonable time is a violation of the treaty obligations of the Respondent. It also seeks a declaration that Nigeria is in violation of its duty to prevent torture and  to provide good governance for the people who are deprived of essential services to the tune of money used to maintain, in prison custody, individuals who should not be in prison but being on bail should be contributing their quota to economy of the Nation, are incongruous to the treaty obligations of the respondent. This bears in mind that many of the awaiting trial inmates are eventually discharged and acquitted but sometimes after they have spent a longer time in prison than the length of custodial punishment prescribed for the offence for which they are remanded.

@centre for community law

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Celebrating 50 Years of ECOWAS: A Jubilee of Unity and Progress? https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/celebrating-50-years-of-ecowas-a-jubilee-of-unity-and-progress/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/celebrating-50-years-of-ecowas-a-jubilee-of-unity-and-progress/#respond Wed, 01 Jan 2025 23:46:14 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=712 Celebrating 50 Years of ECOWAS: A Jubilee of Unity and Progress?
Center for Community Law

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Celebrating 50 Years of ECOWAS: A Jubilee of Unity and Progress?
Center for Community Law

The ECOWAS Authority has announced grand plans to celebrate the 50th anniversary of ECOWAS with pomp and pageantry across all member states throughout 2025. The celebration will commence in Ghana and culminate in Togo.
The festivities will span across all member States, with a special focus on Nigeria, home to the ECOWAS headquarters and General Yakubu Gowon, the last living Founding Father.
The Heads of State and Government of fifteen West African countries established the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) by signing the ECOWAS Treaty on May 28, 1975, in Lagos, Nigeria. The Treaty of Lagos was signed by the Heads of State and Government of Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Senegal, and Togo. Its mission was to promote economic integration across the region. Cabo Verde joined the Bloc in 1977, bringing its membership to sixteen. However, Mauritania, the only Arabic-speaking member, withdrew in December 2000, reducing the membership to fifteen. Mauritania recently signed a new associate-membership agreement in August 2017.
The 1975 Treaty has since been replaced by the Revised Treaty of 1993, which reformed several aspects of the Bloc. Notably, it strengthened ECOWAS’s stance on human rights by incorporating the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights into its legal system and reinforcing the ECOWAS Court.
Since its creation, ECOWAS’s membership has remained stable at fifteen, despite Mauritania’s exit. However, this stability is now threatened by the potential departure of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso from the Bloc this January.
ECOWAS has faced challenges in achieving its core aim of integration. Despite significant accomplishments, particularly in the area of free movement, ECOWAS citizens often feel disconnected from the Bloc due to its limited relevance in their daily lives.
Hopefully, this celebration—an undoubtedly costly venture—will focus on the people, with a concerted effort to sensitize them to the core values of ECOWAS.
Hopefully, it would usher in an era of renewed cooperation for unity and progress in all areas of its competence.

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The Legal Aspect of the “Immediate Withdrawal” of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso from ECOWAS https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-legal-aspect-of-the-immediate-withdrawal-of-niger-mali-and-burkina-faso-from-ecowas/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-legal-aspect-of-the-immediate-withdrawal-of-niger-mali-and-burkina-faso-from-ecowas/#respond Mon, 29 Jan 2024 23:29:39 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=617 The Legal Aspect of the “Immediate Withdrawal” of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso from ECOWAS
Center for Community Law

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The Legal Aspect of the “Immediate Withdrawal” of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso from ECOWAS
Center for Community Law

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was set up in May 1975 by fifteen States – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mauritius, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Cape Verde joined the community in 1977 to bring the number to sixteen. In 1999 Mauritania withdrew from the bloc to bring its members to its founding level of fifteen. The 1975 Treaty was revised in 1993 and replaced with the Revised Treaty of that year. 
Membership of the Community has remained at fifteen since the exit of Mauritania until Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, jointly announced their “immediate withdrawal” on Sunday 24 January 2024. Incidentally, these three member States, following military takeover of government (Mali, 2020 and 2021; in Burkina Faso, 2022; and in Niger, 2023) have been under severe sanctions, including suspension, from ECOWAS.  The sanctions were imposed on the States as a measure of compliance with the Community’s rule on zero tolerance for unconstitutional change of government.
It cannot be said to be a complete surprise that this has happened. It is even happening later than was expected, given the posture these Juntas in the three States have so far maintained towards ECOWAS, especially since the highly criticised manner ECOWAS reacted to the coup in Niger. The three member States have openly been forging closer ties against ECOWAS and have indeed severally undermined ECOWAS since 2023. One example is the joint statement by Burkina Faso and Mali indicating their intention to fight alongside Niger should ECOWAS go ahead with its threat to use military action in the Niger. https://www.voanews.com/a/mali-burkina-faso-pledge-assistance-to-niger-junta-/7241666.html. The other is the 16 September 2023 mutual defence pact – the Alliance of Sahel States  – between Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20230916-mali-niger-burkina-sign-mutual-defence-pact. The States have also been vocal over their belief that “There is bad faith within this organisation,”.
Remarkably, unlike Mauritius that gave no reason for its exit, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, in further show of solidarity and determination to undermine ECOWAS, issued a joint statement of their withdrawal from ECOWAS.  In the statement, the States categorically stated that they “decide in complete sovereignty on the immediate withdrawal” from ECOWAS.
The Legal Implications
The starting point is article 91 of the 1993 Revised Treaty of ECOWAS. Under the article:
“any Member State wishing to withdraw from the Community shall give to the Executive Secretary [now the President of the ECOWAS Commission] one year’s notice in writing who shall inform Member States thereof. At the expiration of this period, if such notice is not withdrawn, such a State shall cease to be a member of the Community. During the period of one year referred to in the preceding paragraph, such a Member State shall continue to comply with the provisions of this Treaty and shall remain bound to discharge its obligations under this Treaty”.
It is clear from this provision that all the parties to the Revised Treaty, including the three states of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger,  agreed that a one-year written notice of withdrawal is a condition precedent to withdrawing from the community. 
However, and as already noted above, the decision to withdraw from the bloc was issued on the 28 day of January, 2024 and the withdrawal, according to the statement, is “immediate”. On its part, the ECOWAS Commission issued a statement that it has not been notified of the countries’ decision to quit the bloc, emphasising that its (ECOWAS) protocol provides that withdrawal takes up to one year to be completed. It further stated that “Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali remain important members of the Community and the Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.”
An intervention on the legality of the “immediate withdrawal” must call in aid general international law as reflected in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969 (VCLT), to which all three States are parties. The relevant provisions of the VCLT I would like to highlight are articles 42, 54, and 67.
Article 42 requires that the withdrawal of a member State the ECOWAS Treaty may take place only by the application of the provisions of the treaty or of the VCLT. Article 54 stipulates that the withdrawal of a party may take place in conformity with the provisions of the treaty, or at any time by consent of all the parties after consultation with the other contracting States. Article 67 requires that withdrawal be carried out through an instrument communicated to the other member States. It further requires the instrument to be signed by the Head of State, Head of Government or Minister for Foreign Affairs, and for the representative of the State communicating it may be called upon to produce full powers.
If, as the Commission has said, the Commission is yet to receive a formal withdrawal notice from any of the member States, questions will certainly be raised as to whether they have given the requisite notice. This cannot but discredit their “immediate withdrawal” expectation. It is clear from their statement that they are not relying on any ground in law (which I doubt exists) that entitles them to “immediately” withdraw from a Treaty of this nature. It is abundantly clear from the ECOWAS Treaty and customary international law as incorporated in the VCLT, that there is no room for such immediate withdrawal in the current state of development of international law.  
It is correct to say that the States have not actually given any notice of withdrawal, nor can their immediate withdrawal hold any legal ground.  Could it be then that the States are merely grandstanding with a view to forcing a negotiation with ECOWAS? Could it mean that they are prepared for a legal showdown with ECOWAS. Unfortunately, neither of the scenarios is good for ECOWAS, though, from all indications, judging from the recent conducts of the three States, it is more likely that they are pulling their States out of the ECOWAS, irrespective of what the Treaty says.
There have indeed been frustrations on both sides, especially, it would seem, on the side of the three States, Niger in particular. Only recently, Niger invited the ECOWAS Court to determine the legality of some extra-legal sanctions imposed on it by the ECOWAS Authority in Republic of Niger v. The Authority of Heads of State and Government, ECOWAS Application No. ECW/CCJ/APP/34/23. But the court shut its doors against Niger, holding that it lacked the capacity to invoke its jurisdiction to question some of the sanctions imposed by the Authority, which sanctions are really not backed by any ECOWAS law, because it is under suspension.  For the avoidance of doubt, the joint “immediate withdrawal” statement accused ECOWAS of failing to support their fight against “terrorism and insecurity”, while imposing “illegal, illegitimate, inhumane and irresponsible sanctions”. I believe that was a missed opportunity for the court to wade into the stalemate.
This is not the place to rehash the various condemnation by scholars and analysts of the totalitarianism of the ECOWAS Authority’s approach to the Niger coup; it must however be said that the Authority should have handled it better. This is particularly because the three member States seemed to be united against a common enemy – France. In both their utterances and actions, the juntas have not hidden their displeasure over the activities of France in their States, in particular, and the region, in general. While pursuing the legitimate aim of returning the States to civil rule, which ECOWAS is entitled to do, the Authority should have acknowledged the concerns of the States over the activities of France. This is perhaps one of the reasons why the States now feel they have no future in ECOWAS. In fact, it is quite telling that the States accused ECOWAS of acting “under the influence of foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, has become a threat to its member states and its population”. 
Consequences
If the States are minded to be law abiding, the combined provisions of article 91 of the Revised Treaty and article 70 of the VCLT, are there to the fact that they can only be  released from the obligation to further perform the treaty, after one year from the date of giving notice to the Commission. That is assuming they gave the appropriate notice already. The provisions are there to further remind them that they remain bound by any right, obligation or legal situation of the parties created through the execution of the Revised Treaty, prior to their withdrawal.
However, it is not difficult to predict that the States are not prepared to honour any obligation towards the ECOWAS from this point, having really refused to meaningfully engage with ECOWAS for some time now. It is a good thing that ECOWAS has said that the “Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse,”. Hopefully, it would match words with action by taking urgent diplomatic steps towards resolving the situation before more damage is done to the Community. But the most realistic approach, while negotiation is being engaged is for ECOWAS to take this announcement as a formalisation of what the three States have actually been doing. ECOWAS should as well begin to prepare for how it would handle the consequence of this “immediate withdrawal” just in case diplomacy fails again. It does not seem to me that the States are prepared to abide by the rules of international law that prescribed what follows from withdrawal. It does appear fitting for ECOWAS to begin to withdraw its personnel, if any remains in the States, or, in the alternative, to put measures in place for their protection. 
Nevertheless, the three States must bear in mind that their duty goes far beyond those imposed by the ECOWAS Treaty. They must bear in mind that they have a duty under article 43 of the VCLT by which their withdrawal from the ECOWAS Treaty does not in any way impair their duty to fulfil any obligation embodied in the treaty to which they would be subject under international law independently of the ECOWAS Treaty.
Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali must also bear in mind that there will be grave implications for the movement of their nationals within the region, given that they have since been part of the ECOWAS common passport that enables free movement within the region. As the sanctions already suspended the movement of goods to and from the States to other ECOWAS States, the Juntas appear to have only the movement of persons to worry about. This, indeed, should be a huge worry for both sides!
Conclusion
This and other problems that have plagued ECOWAS over the last few years cannot but call attention to the need for ECOWAS to reassess its policies and actions. One aspect that it needs to reappraise is its approach to the intervention in the internal affairs of member States. It is difficult to agree that ECOWAS has in recent times satisfactorily performed this function. The double standards even in its application of sanctions which it sometimes do in wanton disregard of the law is an area it really needs to look into.
ECOWAS must reinvent itself in a manner that makes it more beneficial to individuals within the national sphere of member States. The reason the three member states have successfully rebuffed ECOWAS in the recent past is because they believe they can do without ECOWAS sand have indeed done without it since their suspension from the Community.  The ECOWAS Commission must start playing its role as it should.      
 
 Amos Enabulele
Professor of Public International Law
DG, Centre for Community & Oceanic Law
 
 
 
 
 
 

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ECOWAS AND SIERRA LEONE’S DANGEROUS IDENTITY POLITICS https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/ecowas-and-sierra-leones-dangerous-identity-politics/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/ecowas-and-sierra-leones-dangerous-identity-politics/#respond Wed, 10 Jan 2024 14:43:56 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=604 ECOWAS AND SIERRA LEONE’S DANGEROUS IDENTITY POLITICS
Center for Community Law

*By Paul Ejime

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ECOWAS AND SIERRA LEONE’S DANGEROUS IDENTITY POLITICS
Center for Community Law

*By Paul Ejime

If any country should be grateful to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) for the sacrifices and immense contributions toward the relative national peace it enjoys today, Sierra Leone is one and Liberia is another.
This fact ought to be obvious to all political actors in Sierra Leone, particularly Ernest Bai Koroma, president for ten years until 2018, and sitting President Julius Maada Bio, a retired army brigadier, who ruled the country as a military dictator from January 1996 to March 1996, when he handed over to the democratically elected government of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah. 
However, it would appear that the present crop of politicians in the country has learned nothing and forgotten nothing! This is most troubling coming from a country that evolved from the settlement of freed African slaves under the former British Empire, but which rose to become a citadel of learning for several independent African leaders through its renowned Fourah Bay College/University.
Somehow, Sierra Leone is still suffering the consequences of an 11-year civil war that killed more than 50,000 people and made hundreds of thousands of refugees from 1991-2002.
There is no love lost between Koroma, 70, leader of the opposition All Progressive Congress (APC), from the predominantly Temne ethnic group of the north, and Bio, 59, leader of the ruling Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), who hails from the rival southeast Sherbro ethnic group.
To date, Koroma has not congratulated his successor Bio for winning the 2018 election and the political ambition, intolerance, and intransigence of the pair are now standing in the way of Sierra Leone’s progress and could degenerate into another avoidable bloody conflict unless drastic measures are taken.
The Electoral Commission for Sierra Leone declared Bio re-elected with 56% of the votes, against 41% for his rival Samura Kamara of the opposition APC in the June 2023 polls. The APC promptly rejected the results claiming that the election was rigged. But the party and its officials have also refused to challenge the results in court because according to them, the SLPP government controls the judiciary.
The post-election disaffection has fed into the country’s deep-rooted ethnic division and political intolerance with potentially dangerous implications.
In December 2023, Koroma was placed under house arrest after several days of interrogation by state security agencies.  On the 3rd of January 2024, he was charged with treason over a reported attempted coup d’état on 26 November 2023, which the government claimed was masterminded by the opposition APC members.
During that second shootout within two months in Freetown following similar clashes in September after the June 2023 disputed polls, some 2,000 inmates were reportedly let out of a major prison in the nation’s capital Freetown, while at least 20 people were killed.
The Government alleges that 80 suspects including 15 of Koroma’s serving and former bodyguards are implicated in the coup attempt, but the former president has denied any involvement.
As part of a regional effort to douse the heightened political tensions in Sierra Leone, Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, Chairman of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government dispatched to Freetown, an ECOWAS delegation, made up of the Presidents of Ghana Nana Akuffo-Addo and Macky Sall of Senegal, accompanied by the President of the ECOWAS Commission, Dr Oumar Alieu Touray and Amb. Abdel-Fatau Musah, ECOWAS Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace, and Security.
The mission which was at the request of Sierra Leone’s government during the December 2023 ECOWAS Summit in Abuja, met separately, with President Bio and former President Koroma. As a mark of solidarity with Bio, the regional leaders at the Abuja summit, also agreed that an ECOWAS military stabilization force should be sent to Sierra Leone.
According to informed sources, it was President Bio who demanded during the Freetown meeting with the ECOWAS delegation that former President Koroma should leave the country, just as he (Bio) was granted asylum in the US after handing over to the now-late former President Kabbah in 1996. The sources explained that it took some persuasion by the ECOWAS delegation before Koroma could agree to his “temporary exile” plan in Nigeria.
This was based on conditions that – the Sierra Leone Government should discontinue all legal and administrative procedures against Koroma; continue disbursement of his benefits/entitlements as a former head of State; secure his residences in Sierra Leone and consider refunding his medical and travel expenses. Backend negotiations involving ECOWAS, the African Union, and the Commonwealth were also set in motion with government and opposition officials in Sierra Leone toward resolving the political disagreement.
But on the eve of Koroa’s planned travel to Nigeria on 4th January, President Bio was said to have received a letter from the ECOWAS Commission urging him to facilitate the process, but instead, observers were surprised to see Koroma in the dock, charged with treason by the Bio administration.
In the U-turn and utter embarrassment of ECOWAS, Sierra Leone Government officials were quoted as saying that Bio never agreed with ECOWAS that Koroma should leave the country. This narrative, canvassed mainly by hawks in Bio’s SLPP, is seen as the government’s ploy to further humiliate Koroma before granting him a presidential pardon and permission to leave the country.
Ordinarily, crime suspects should have their day in court, under the rule of law and a transparent process, but the way and manner the Bio administration is going about Koroma’s case smacks of political vendetta and a slap on the face of ECOWAS and Nigeria.
Instead of showing gratitude to ECOWAS for always supporting peace moves in Sierra Leone, Bio is in utter arrogance, behaving as if the region owes him and Sierra Leone a living.
It took ECOWAS’ principled stance plus resources and the sacrifice of the blood of men and women in the armed forces of member States to end the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone.
From Liberia, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) Taskforce moved to Sierra Leone in 1997.  On the 12th of February 1998, that force led by Nigerian Commander, Col. Maxwell Kobe reinstated Sierra Leone’s government of elected President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, which was sacked in 1997 by the Major Johnny Koroma-led Armed Forces Revolutionary Council and its rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) ally.
With much of Sierra Leone ravaged by the civil war, Kobe, who previously served as ECOMOG Taskforce Commander in Liberia in 1992/94, had to operate from Cape Sierra, the only functional hotel in the capital Freetown, where this writer as a War Correspondent first met Col. Kobe and his team in 1998, and witnessed first-hand how he and his team planned and executed military operations to mop-up remnants of Sierra Leone rebels. A recipient of many awards for his gallantry, Kobe was later promoted to Brig.-General before he died on duty, serving as Sierra Leone’s Chief of Defence Staff (1998-2000).
To underscore the level of externalization of Sierra Leone’s conflict, Charles Taylor, Liberia’s former warlord president is currently serving a 50-year sentence in a UK prison for war crimes supporting Sierra Leone’s RUF, which started the civil war in 1991.
This chronology of events is deliberate to underscore the disappointment and outrage that Sierra Leonean political actors would be the ones pocking ECOWAS or Nigeria in the eye.
Unfortunately, Sierra Leone remains on the bottom rung of the UN Human Development Index, ranking 181 out of 195 nations, and perennially dependent on foreign assistance to finance its national budget. The country’s sluggish economic growth is compounded by mounting local and foreign debts, rocketing inflation, and unemployment of largely uneducated youths, many of whom have been driven to drug abuse and other crimes. The government is also accused of corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement.
The proper approach for the Bio administration after a divisive and costly election is to encourage national cohesion, healing, and reconciliation.
The implementation of late President Kabbah’s Agenda for Change (AFC 2007) was truncated, just as his successor President Koroma’s Agena for Prosperity (AFP 2013) made little progress. Yet, the issues highlighted in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Report of 2004, as the perennial root causes of conflicts in Sierra Leone, especially, successive years of bad governance, endemic corruption, and denial of basic human rights persist.
Apart from the opposition party’s complaints, local and international election observers also raised issues with the June 2023 electoral process, the 5th successive post-conflict polls, which had raised hopes for democratic consolidation in Sierra Leone.
The observers noted in their various mission reports that the result collation and management process lacked transparency, with some analysts pointing out that none of the presidential candidates could have scored the 56% vote threshold set by the constitution. But assuming without conceding that Bio was re-elected fair and square, wisdom requires that he should be magnanimous in victory instead of engaging in a self-distractive witch-hunt.
ECOWAS should still engage with Sierra Leone political stakeholders, including President Bio and former President Koroma, who owe themselves, their country, and 400 million Community citizens an obligation and responsibility for peaceful, patriotic, and responsible conduct.
With the resurgence of military coups in the region and four of its 15 member States under military dictatorships, ECOWAS should recalibrate its intervention strategies to prioritize support and promotion of good governance and protection of community citizens in line with the vision of an ECOWAS of People, instead of an ECOWAS of States or ECOWAS of powerful and politically exposed persons.  
No individual should be more powerful than the state, or above the law. There should be no room for fraudulent military coups, but strict application of the “zero-tolerance” provision for unconstitutional change of government under ECOWAS protocols. Deployment of regional military forces to prop undemocratic leaders will only promote tyranny and oppression!
*Paul Ejime, a former War Correspondent, is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communications

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ECOWAS: GETTING A TOTTERING REGIONAL BLOC BACK ON TRACK https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/ecowas-getting-a-tottering-regional-bloc-back-on-track/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/ecowas-getting-a-tottering-regional-bloc-back-on-track/#respond Sat, 09 Dec 2023 20:16:07 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=543 ECOWAS: GETTING A TOTTERING REGIONAL BLOC BACK ON TRACK
Center for Community Law

*By Paul Ejime

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ECOWAS: GETTING A TOTTERING REGIONAL BLOC BACK ON TRACK
Center for Community Law

*By Paul Ejime

ECOWAS leaders converge in Abuja, the Nigerian capital on Sunday for their end-of-year ordinary summit with a plethora of unresolved socio-economic, security and governance issues, especially perennial insecurity, and a resurgence of military coups with four members of the 15-nation regional bloc under military dictatorships.
Little or no progress has been reported in regional efforts to restore constitutional order in Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, where the military has seized power with the last three recently forming a mutual Defence Alliance, against an attack on any of them, short of their withdrawing from ECOWAS.
This was in apparent response to ECOWAS’ failure to make good on its recent widely publicised threat to deploy a military force to restore constitutional order in Niger, after the military coup in July.
Also, following its disputed elections in June, Sierra Leone is under political tension after witnessing two deadly shootings, which the government called coup attempts, with more than 20 persons reported killed and many inmates let out of jails in Freetown, the nation’s capital.
The country’s former President Ernest Bai Koroma was questioned by police this week after the government accused his opposition party of involvement in the alleged coup attempt.
In Guinea Bissau, President Umaro Sissoco Embalo has unconstitutionally dissolved the opposition-controlled parliament after reporting a coup attempt last week, the second within two years in the country.
An uneasy calm equally prevails in Senegal, where President Macky Sall’s government has proscribed an opposition party and sacked members of the national electoral commission with only a few months to the presidential election in February 2024.
The developments in Guinea Bissau and Senegal are nothing short of “political and constitutional coups,” which are potential triggers or drivers of military putsches.
Socio-economic hardships are also biting hard, coupled with sporadic deadly attacks by terrorists, Islamic extremists, or separatist insurgents in the region.
All “coups” constitute a threat to democracy and a endanger to peace and security in the region. But the fact that ECOWAS appears more enthusiastic at condemning only military coups is not lost on critics, who accuse the organisation of inconsistency or hypocrisy.
Another troubling irony is that ECOWAS, which enjoyed international acclaim decades ago for achievements in conflict prevention, management, and resolution, appears to have lost direction, by exhibiting an embarrassing lack of will or inability to rise to its own standards.
Set up in May 1975 to foster regional integration, ECOWAS was considered a trailblazer among Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs).
Indeed, at a stage, all the 15 ECOWAS member States operated one form of democratic system of government or another.
But for keen followers of the regional organisation, “the rain,” like Nigeria’s world-renowned novelist Chinua Achebe said in his iconic Things Fall Apart, “started beating” ECOWAS about a decade ago.
After embracing multiparty democracy in the late 1999s to early 2000s, and doing away with dictatorships and authoritarian regimes, the ever-ingenious political class found ways of circumventing the democratic processes and principles.
As with most politicians, their West African counterparts found ways of exploiting loopholes in national constitutions and electoral legal frameworks.
After the initial celebration of a relatively peaceful transfer of political power with examples of ruling parties/governments losing in elections and handing power to the opposition, the refrain changed.
Elections were held regularly but with questionable integrity. Money became the deciding factor in most elections. Democracy, a process for registered voters to choose their leaders became a personalised, do-or-die affair, in which the powerful and wealthy politicians with deep pockets prevailed.
Election became an investment, for politicians to put in money and recoup abnormal profits, and a source of ill-gotten wealth to be deployed into winning the next election, and the vicious circle continued.
Deploying their large war chest, the rich and powerful rigged elections without consequences.
The line between the three arms of government – the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary – became blurred, with separation of powers thrown out of the window. The result is the effective capture of the State and its institutions.
Having “seized” power in rigged elections, the executive arm of government usually pockets the parliament, to change the national constitution, with the judiciary also compromised to enable the politicians to obtain or retain power through unconstitutional means.
The dysfunctional administrations have weaponized poverty through bad governance and anti-people policies, ensuring that the so-called benefits of democracy accrue only to public officeholders, their family members, and a limited number of others through political patronage.
Political opposition becomes anathema, with opposition figures brutalised, imprisoned, or exiled.
Alternative view is not tolerated, the democratic space shrinks with press freedom and human rights under stricture.
The election management bodies, with independent or autonomous nomenclature, are only so in name, and always under pressure to do the bidding of those in government, who also control the power of coercion, the security ‘apparatchiks.
Civil society is not spared, and neither is the media, and development partners, some of which influence the outcome of elections on behalf of foreign governments under the guise of helping the developing countries.
The cumulative effect is that democracy has been forced into retreat in the ECOWAS region.
While all hope is not lost, the management of the ECOWAS Commission and regional leaders must engage in a serious introspection on how to reposition the regional bloc on the path to the realisation of the dreams of its founding fathers.
Certainly, the Abuja end-of-year summit would not provide all the answers, but it could be the starting point to end the drift and allow ECOWAS to rediscover its glorious past for the benefit of the community’s estimated 400 million citizens, who must be wondering what befell their once admired organisation.
ECOWAS does not lack the instruments or protocols to get back on track once the leadership at the national and regional levels can muster the requisite political will.
 *Paul Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communications

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The Challenging Competence of Corporations before the ECOWAS Court: A Rumination on Algom Resources Ltd v Republic of Sierra Leone, ECW/CCJ/03/23  https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-challenging-competence-of-corporations-before-the-ecowas-court-rumination-on-algom-resources-ltd-v-republic-of-sierra-leone-ecw-ccj-03-23/ https://backup.cfcomlaw.com/the-challenging-competence-of-corporations-before-the-ecowas-court-rumination-on-algom-resources-ltd-v-republic-of-sierra-leone-ecw-ccj-03-23/#respond Sun, 29 Oct 2023 10:15:43 +0000 http://backup.cfcomlaw.com/?p=504 The Challenging Competence of Corporations before the ECOWAS Court: A Rumination on Algom Resources Ltd v Republic of Sierra Leone, ECW/CCJ/03/23 
Center for Community Law

By Prof Amos O Enabulele The Facts of the Case The first Applicant, Algom Resources Limited, a limited liability company incorporated under the laws of Sierra Leone on 7 June, 2016, accused officials of the government of the Republic of Sierra Leone of engaging in malpractice that cost the company its gold mining licence and significant amount in investment. The […]

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The Challenging Competence of Corporations before the ECOWAS Court: A Rumination on Algom Resources Ltd v Republic of Sierra Leone, ECW/CCJ/03/23 
Center for Community Law

By Prof Amos O Enabulele

The Facts of the Case

The first Applicant, Algom Resources Limited, a limited liability company incorporated under the laws of Sierra Leone on 7 June, 2016, accused officials of the government of the Republic of Sierra Leone of engaging in malpractice that cost the company its gold mining licence and significant amount in investment. The case of company was that it was granted a four year gold exploration licence from 9th January, 2017, over the Baomahun exploration area and that it spent the sum of 4.8 million US dollars to explore area and discover gold in commercial quantities.  

In order to obtain a large-scale mining license from the government of Sierra Leone, the company said it needed an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) License which it expected to obtain from the Environment Protection Agency, Sierra Leone (EPA-SL). It claimed that the Agency gave a negative recommendation on the grounds that the project was located within a protected forest reserve and needed clearance from a different agency, the National Protected Area Authority (NPAA), and that the company was unable to secure the EIA due to numerous alleged fraudulent administrative hindrances. 

The first Applicant later applied for a new large-scale mining license on 25 February 2021 but was surprised that a notification was published in a Gazette informing the public that a company named FG Gold Limited had obtained an Environment Social and Health Impact Assessment Report over the same Baomahun Concession.  

The case of the first Applicant was therefore that, by virtue of Section 108(4) of the Mines and Minerals Act, the Respondent State ought to have given it the opportunity to make proposals that will resolve the grounds for the refusal.  But the Applicant contended that the purpose of that Section is to give applicants of large-scale mining licenses the opportunity to remedy defective or incomplete applications before a final decision is made on the application.   The 1st applicant further stated that it made several enquiries without response about FG Gold, more particularly, to ascertain the reasons why FG Gold’s application took precedence over its own application and described the government’s decision as arbitrary and a willful disregard of due process of law.

It was in evidence that the 1st Applicant’s equipment were removed from the site by the respondent upon expiry of its licence, but the defendant challenged the applicants to cite any provision that prevented the removal of its equipment and said that, by the government’s letter dated 25 March, 2021, which was acknowledged by the 1st applicant, that the Director of Geological Survey reminded the first Applicant of their statutory obligations to vacate the licensed area. 

On the basis of the failure of the 1st applicant to obtain the requisite licence, the 2nd applicant contended that the Respondent rendered her property useless, and her investments worthless.  She described the decision as a violation of her right as well as those of the company’s employees as it not only subjected them to embarrassment and financial difficulties, but also the possibility of many of the workers not being able to fend for their families and dependents, therefore infringing on their right to health, both physical and mental. 

Together, the Applicants claimed USD 50,000,000 in exemplary damages, another USD 20,000,000 as damages for anxiety and embarrassment and USD 500,000 as costs. 

The Respondent denied all the allegations, claiming that the Exploration License of the 1st applicant expired in 2021. Ipso facto, that all their mining rights in Sierra Leone were extinguished. It also contended that the company’s application for a large-scale mining licence made in February, 2021, was treated fairly and denied that the government favoured FG Gold over the 1st applicant, Algom Resources.  

The respondent’s answer to the claims of the 2nd Applicant, was that it had no direct dealing with her, arguing that the damage suffered by the company and its shareholder did not mean that both are entitled to compensation as “although two separate entities may have suffered from the same wrong, it is only one entity whose rights have been infringed”.  The Respondent contended that the applicants decided to bring in the shareholder as a party in order to satisfy the threshold for human rights violation. 

The Respondent therefore urged the Court to dismiss the case as there were no violations of a recognised right established by law. It also prayed the Court for an order to dismiss the 2nd Applicant’s locus standi as a party to the action. The Respondent also asked for 100,000 US dollars as costs. 

The Court’s Finding of Facts

In its analysis, the court came to the following finding of facts:

  • That the cumulative effects of the actions and decisions of the respondent’s agencies significantly frustrated the 1st applicant;
  • The EPA-SL’s assessment or review of the 1st Applicants EIA License application after the Environment, Social and Health Impact Assessment (ESHIA) Report was submitted prejudiced and delayed the mining licence;
  • The manner the 1st respondent’s licence application was handled stand in significant contrast to how that of its competitor, FG Gold was handled;

Decisions

The court came to the decisions that:

  • the existence of a fundamental right to fair treatment and security under customary international law was not proved and so the court dismissed it.
  • the respondent violated the 1st applicant’s right to property regarding the removal and destruction of its mining equipment and installations. Also, that the respondent violated the 1st applicant’s legitimate expectation of acquiring rights to the concession or property.
  • The respondent did not violate the 2nd applicant’s right to security and protection of the law; did not violate her property rights; did not violate her employment right; and did not violate her right to development.

Reparation

The court refused to order the Respondent State to the reverse of the award of the mining lease to FG Gold and award it in favour of the Applicants. Rather, the court awarded compensation to the tune of $200, 000. 00 for the violation of the 1st applicant’s right to property

Analysis

The main point we would like to consider in this analysis is the jurisdictional question raised relating to the applicants. On the face of it, the right of the 2nd applicant to approach the court to ventilate human rights grievances is settled except that in this case her claims were secondary and derived from injuries sustained by the 1st applicant. As a result, her claim was bound to be infested by whatever jurisdictional deficiency affected the 1st applicant.

Without commenting on the decisions relating to the 1st applicant at this point, it is important to observe that the rejection of what appears to have been the opportunistic claims of the 2nd applicant is in order and unassailable, except that the court did not have the opportunity to access her rights as a shareholder under the municipal law of Sierra Leone.  The gap would perhaps have been taken care of had the attention of the court been drawn to the most relevant decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the point, since the court amply relied on ICJ decisions in its judgment.

The case is Ahmadou Sadio Diallo (Republic of Guinea v. Democratic Republic of the Congo), Merits, Judgment, ICJ Reports, 2010, p. 63. The claim of Guinea on behalf of Ahmadou Sadio Diallo in the case was that Diallo, a businessman of Guinean nationality, was unjustly imprisoned by the authorities of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), after being resident in that State for thirty-two (32) years, despoiled of his sizable investments, businesses, movable and immovable property and bank accounts, and then expelled. Guinea was espousing his claim for human rights violations and also seeking to claim for the wrongs done to his company, which was registered in DRC and was therefore subject to the laws of DRC. 

Without allowing the facts to delay us further, we shall immediately highlight the parts of the judgments that are relevant to the 2nd Applicant’s claim before the ECOWAS Court. The starting point for the ICJ was a reference to the law of DRC by observing that:

“[I]nternational law has repeatedly acknowledged the principle of domestic law that a company has a legal personality distinct from that of its shareholders…. Therefore, the rights and assets of a company must be distinguished from the rights and assets of an associé [share holder]. In this respect, it is legally untenable to consider, as Guinea argues, that the property of the corporation merges with the property of the shareholder. Furthermore, it must be recognized that the liabilities of the company are not the liabilities of the shareholder.” Paragraphs 155-156

Furthermore, the court reiterated its salient observation in the Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company, Limited (Belgium v. Spain), Second Phase, Judgment, ICJ Rep 1970, p. 35, para. 44), where it recognised that though “a wrong done to the company frequently causes prejudice to its shareholders”, a damage affecting both company and shareholder will not mean that both are entitled to claim compensation. This is on the basis that “whenever a shareholder’s interests are harmed by an act done to the company, it is to the latter that he must look to institute appropriate action; for although two separate entities may have suffered from the same wrong, it is only one entity whose rights have been infringed” (p. 35, para. 44). This is the clear result of the court’s acknowledgment of a “distinction between injury in respect of a right and injury to a simple interest … so that an act directed against and infringing only the company’s rights does not involve responsibility towards the shareholders, even if their interests are affected.” (p. 36, para. 46.)

A clear acceptance of this position is evident in the decision of ECOWAS Court in the case under review, as seen in the refusal of the court, and rightly too, to hold that the 2nd applicant was entitled to compensation based on injury held to have been suffered (violation of property right) by the 1st applicant. The court’s decision on that point is sound in law and therefore incontrovertible.

The missing link however, as earlier observed, was the absence on the face of it of a reference to the law of Liberia to determine whether there was any right appertaining to the 2nd applicant (as a shareholder) that could have been violated by the wrong done to the 1st applicant. This cannot be wholly attributed to the inadvertence of the court, given that the lawyers for the Applicants appear not to have brought any such rights to the fore.

In Diallo’s case, for instance, because it was claimed on his behalf that by reason of the wrong done to his company, his direct right as associé to take part and vote in general meetings of the companies; his property right; his right to be appointed or to remain gérant; and his right to oversee and monitor the management of the company, were violated. The court had to examine the company law of the DRC to determine the rights shareholders enjoy in companies in the DRC. Such is a needed exercise in claims of this nature, as international law has not got its own rules on it and as a consequence relies wholly on the municipal law of incorporation of the company. As explained in details in the Barcelona Traction case:

“In this field international law is called upon to recognize institutions of municipal law that have an important and extensive role in the international field . . . All it means is that international law has had to recognize the corporate entity as an institution created by States in a domain essentially within their domestic jurisdiction. This in turn requires that, whenever legal issues arise concerning the rights of States with regard to the treatment of companies and shareholders, as to which rights international law has not established its own rules, it has to refer to the relevant rules of municipal law.” (pp. 33- 34, para. 38.)

It was for the satisfaction of the rule that the court examined several provisions of the Congolese Decree of 27 February 1887 on Commercial Corporations, being the State of incorporation of the companies. The ECOWAS court thus missed the opportunity to explore the rights of the 2nd Applicant, as a shareholder under Liberian law.

Regarding the 1st applicant, the potent question that must stand out is whether, being an artificial person, the 1st applicant had the appropriate status to invoke the essentially human rights jurisdiction of the court. This question falls within the ambit of articles 10(c) and 10(d) of 1991 Protocol of the Court as amended by the Supplementary Protocol 2005.

Article 10(c) stipulates that access to the court is open to “individuals and corporate bodies in proceedings for the determination of an act or inaction of a community official which violates the rights of the individuals or corporate bodies.” And article 10(d) stipulates that access is open to “individuals on application for relief for violation of their human rights….” These provisions had been variously construed in previous cases, except that article 10(d) has had a reputation for divergent decisions.

As for article 10(c), the settled view of the court is that: “[t]t follows from article 10(c) above that the proper party should either be an individual or a corporate body bringing an action against a Community Official for an act or omission which violates their rights”.  And that the article is relevant only to suits brought against Community officials, to the exclusion of member States, which are not officers of the Community. In simple terms, article 10(d) cannot be relied upon by a corporate entity as a jurisdictional base against a member State. See ECW/CCJ/JUD/ 03/19: Dexter Oil Limited v. Republic of Liberia.

As for article 10 (d), the jurisprudential variation arises from the use of tout personne victime” (meaning, “every person that is a victim”) in the French Text, as against the use of individuals (natural persons), in the English text.

In support of the view that article 10(d) grounds the competence of both human beings and corporations, the court in The National Co-Ordinating Group of Departmental Representatives of the Cocoa-Coffee Sector (CNDD) v. Republic of Cote D’ivoire, (2004 – 2009) CCJELR, affirmed the right under article 10(d) of both natural and legal persons endowed, within the framework of their national laws, with the required legal capacity to seise the court.

It is unclear whether by granting companies access, the court was also affirming their competence to be respondents before the court. If that was the base, the decision would obviously not sit well with its subsequent decision in SERAP v. President of Federal Republic of Nigeria (2010) CCJELR, which excluded corporate bodies from being cited as defendants before the court.

A more direct conflict was however presented in Stacrest Investment Ltd v. President ECOWAS Commission, (2011) CCJELR, 165, where the court clearly stated that “it is equally true that no corporate body can bring a human rights case before this Court and that the provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights do not avail the Plaintiff (a corporate body) in this court in so far as they complain about human rights abuse against them as a Company.” The court consolidated and further clarified this its position in Ocean King Nig. Ltd v. Republic of Senegal, (2011) CCJELR 139, where it declared that the word “individuals” in article 10(d) refers only to “human beings and no more”. The court however admitted that a company can have access to the court on specific human rights related complaints and on that occasion the court was prepared o hear the corporate body’s complaint of lack of fair hearing.

It was these divergent opinions that the court took it upon itself to resolve in Dexter v. Liberia, where it took the initiative, and rightly too, to invoke its inherent jurisdiction to depart from all of its previous decisions that were based on the broad interpretation of French text to grant access to corporations for human rights litigation under article 10(d). It thus reasoned:

“Whereas, according to the court, the English text of article 10(d) clearly states individuals (natural persons), the French texts of the same Article states tout personne victime” (every person that is a victim). Personne in the French text includes an individual who is a physical person and a corporate body which is a juristic person. The key word however is that the personne must be a victim of human rights violation. It is the opinion of this Court that, if Article 10 (c) (English and French Texts) categorically includes both individual and corporate bodies, same would have been repeated in 10(d) if that was the intention of the drafters of the law. The Court therefore affirms that it is not the intention of the statute to accommodate corporate legal person in Article 10(d) of both versions of the text”.

In agreement with the decision of the court to affirm the English text, we think the court already provided an answer to the phrase “every person that is a victim” in the French text in the Incorporated Trustees of The Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore Socio-Cultural Association v. Federal Republic Of Nigeria, (2012) CCJELR, 171. Here the court took the firm view, following Nosa Ehanire & 3 Ors v. Federal Republic of Nigeria, (2017) CCJELR, that the cardinal rule on access to the Court is that only direct victims of human rights violations can access the court for relief for the violation of their human rights, as per article 10(d) of the Supplementary Protocol of 2005. And that in essence, only “direct victims alleging violation of their rights with interest that is direct, personal and certain are the parties inherently qualified to seek remedy for such violation which ordinarily cannot be transferable to another individual or organisations”. It is our considered view that this was the context in which the French text was framed.

However, the court declared that it was nonetheless not unmindful of its jurisprudence and that of other international courts creating exceptions and granting corporate bodies access to court for violation of their fundamental rights against a member State. And drawing from Ocean King Nigeria Limited v. Republic of Senegal ECW/CCJ/JUD/07/11, the court affirmed that “[t]he right to fair hearing is not dependent on human rights and the Defendant owes an obligation to every ECOWAS citizen or entity to ensure fair hearing within its territory, failing which this Court will have the right to entertain an application by an aggrieved party even if it is based on the Court’s inherent jurisdiction.”

The confusing part for us is the distinction that the court found to exist between human rights and “fundamental” corporate rights. According to the court:

“Human rights imply the rights that belong to all human beings irrespective of their nationality, race, caste, creed and gender amongst others; like right to life, right to health and right against torture, inhuman and degrading treatment which are specific to a human being. On the other hand right of a corporate body, are rights that are fundamental and necessary for the existence of a corporate body which a legal entity can enjoy and be deprived of; for example right to freedom of speech as the corporation is entitled to speak about its product; right to property as the corporation generates profit in shares and, or cash and is entitled to the quiet enjoyment of same. The established exceptions under which corporate bodies can ground an action are; rights that are fundamental rights not dependant on human rights and they include right to fair hearing, right to property and right to freedom of expression.”

An appraisal of the recognition by the court that these exceptions qualify a corporation to access its essentially human rights jurisdiction requires an examination of the jurisdictional bases of the court. The question that thus begs for answer is under what provision of the court’s Protocol is this exceptional competence of corporations based? The importance of this question lies in the fact that by the court’s own showing, neither article 10(c) nor (d) grounds the competence of the court. Can the jurisdictional base the court is assuming come under its inherent or implied jurisdiction as the court hinted in Ocean King? It is in our view very doubtful if it is legally tenable for the court to expand its very restrictive jurisdiction in human rights matters outside the clear authority of its Protocol by way of its inherent or implied jurisdiction.

The reliance on decision of the European Court of Human Rights is not also very helpful, given the obvious differences between the jurisdictional provision of that court and that of the ECOWAS Court. It is difficult not to see that, as against the ECOWAS court’s article 10(d), which expressly limits human rights litigation to individuals, article 32 of Protocol 11 to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, extended the court’s jurisdiction to all matters concerning the interpretation and application of the Convention and the protocols thereto. This was followed by article 34, which provides that “[t]he Court may receive applications from any person, non-governmental organisation or group of individuals claiming to be the victim of a violation by one of the High Contracting Parties of the rights set forth in the Convention or the protocols thereto. The High Contracting Parties undertake not to hinder in any way the effective exercise of this right”.

Thus while the Protocol 11 allows for the litigation of all claims set forth in the Convention, the operative word in article 10(d) – individuals – is very restrictive and specific, to the exclusion of the rights of corporations, as the court has rightly affirmed. the provision further restricted claims under it to human rights claims, so that whatever is not human rights, whether brought by individuals or corporations, would fail the jurisdictional threshold test prescribed by the provisions. This specificity of article 10(d) has indeed been the reason why the court has been justified in those cases where it refused to hear non-human rights cases at the suit of individuals. See Kemi Pinheiro v The Republic of Ghana, Suit No: Judgement No. ECW/CCJ/JUD/11/12 and Chude Mba v. Republic of Ghana, ECW/CCJ/JUD/30/18

Conclusion

To be absolutely clear, we take no issues with, and are not at the moment concerned about, whether corporations have a right to fair hearing or the right to property or freedom of speech, our concern here is the title of jurisdiction under which the ECOWAS court hears such claims at the suit of corporations.

It is our considered view that the court should re-examine the competence of corporations before it when next it has the opportunity. In our considered and respectful view, the reasoning of the court on the point right now is confusing, if not outrightly conflicting: the court cannot be heard to say in one breath that corporations cannot proceed against a State in human rights matters under article 10(c) and (d); and in another breath, hold that corporations could litigate certain exceptional rights before the court. Since this exception does not locate within article 10(c) and (d), we are entitled to call upon the court to re-examine its position and provide appropriate clarity. Otherwise, it should invoke its inherent jurisdiction to also overrule this aspect of the controversy and exclude corporations from its human rights jurisdiction once and for all.

We do believe it will be in the best interest of the court and of the individuals who are by law entitled to appear before the court, for the court to avoid creating another line of tension with member States. In any event, the Protocol of the court extends optional jurisdiction to corporations in its article 9(6) of its Protocol. Corporations should take advantage of that provision by negotiating same into their agreements with member States.

©Centre for Community Law, October 29, 2023

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